Lorna Poplak

Black History

Sixty years after Canada’s last execution, the discussion about capital punishment has not gone away

Demonstrators outside the Don Jail in Toronto protest the execution by hanging of two convicted murderers, Ronald Turpin and Arthur Lucas, on Dec. 11, 1962.

Originally published in The Globe and Mail – December 11, 2022

At two minutes past midnight on Dec. 11, 1962, while a small band of demonstrators circled outside in the bitter cold with placards protesting in bold black letters that “hanging is also murder” and that “two wrongs do not make a right,” Ronald Turpin and Arthur Lucas dropped back to back through the gallows trap door in the execution chamber of the Don Jail in Toronto.

Ronald Turpin, 29, was a small-time lawbreaker known to Toronto police. While making his getaway after stealing $632.84 from a fast-food restaurant in Scarborough in February, 1962, Turpin was pulled over by police constable Frederick Nash for bald tires and a broken front headlight. Both men were armed. After a vicious exchange of gunfire, Nash lay dying at the scene. Turpin, who had been wounded, was arrested and charged with murder.

Arthur Lucas, 54, a Black American hoodlum from Detroit, had, according to some of his connections, journeyed to Toronto in November, 1961, to execute fellow gangster Therland Crater, due to testify in the upcoming trial of a drug trafficker in the United States. In the early hours of Nov. 17, Crater and his girlfriend, Carolyn Ann Newman, were found in their rooming house with their throats slashed. Crater had also been shot four times. Lucas, who had visited the couple earlier that very morning, immediately became the prime suspect. He was apprehended in Detroit and extradited to Canada, where he was tried for the murder of Crater.

Lucas and Turpin were both found guilty and sentenced to death on May 10 and June 13, 1962, respectively.

The execution of Ronald Turpin went off relatively smoothly: He was dead within minutes. But you would need to look no further than Arthur Lucas for a chilling example of what can go wrong when the penalty is death.

Read the full article on The Globe and Mail.com

‘MURDER?’: How a pioneering investigative journalist shone a light on justice denied

Excerpt from the October 29, 1963, issue of the Globe and Mail. Photo shows Arthur Lucas (middle) with Toronto detectives. (ProQuest Historical Newspapers)

 

According to some reports, Arthur Lucas, a gangster from Detroit, came to Toronto in November 1961 with murderous intent. Some of his associates, and the police, fingered him for the gangland-style slaying of Therland Crater, who’d been scheduled to give evidence in a U.S. drug trial, and his girlfriend, Carolyn Ann Newman. In the early morning hours of November 17, both victims were found with their throats slashed. Crater had been shot four times for good measure. Lucas was tracked down in Detroit and brought back to Toronto for trial.

On May 10, 1962, Lucas was found guilty and sentenced to death.

Appeals against his sentence wended their way right up to the Supreme Court of Canada. All were in vain — the death penalty would stand.

Just after midnight on December 11, 1962, Lucas was escorted to the execution chamber at the Don Jail in Toronto.

But troubling questions lingered. Lucas had been described as slow-witted and slow-moving. Could such a person have planned and carried out a double murder with the speed and precision of a trained assassin? Was this a case of wrongful conviction?

Enter journalist Betty Lee.

 

Read the full article on the TVO website.
 
 

THE CIRCUS COMES TO TOWN

BLACK HISTORY AND CAPITAL PUNISHMENT IN CANADA

On July 22, 1903, the townsfolk of Picton, Ontario, were enchanted. The circus was in town! The Great Pan American two-ring circus, museum and menagerie had transformed the main thoroughfare into a grand street parade. But after the music stopped and the lights dimmed and the tents were being packed up, the provincial detective keeping an eye out for the odd pickpocket or other suspicious characters found himself facing a much more serious problem: murder.

One of the Black tent workers, Edward “Yellow” Johnson, lay bleeding to death from a stab wound to the heart. Fellow workers suspected another Black labourer – Edward Clarke, also known as “Side Show Shorty” – and the hunt was on. Clarke was soon found on Picton’s Main Street, clutching a pocket knife, and was fingered by an eyewitness as being the man who had killed Johnson. Others had heard him issuing threats.

The next day, the circus rolled out of town, but another show just as sensational was soon to begin: the murder trial of Side Show Shorty. Throngs of people crammed into the inquest and the police investigation, and the two local papers, the Gazette and the Times, categorically pronounced Shorty guilty.

The trial began in October. On the prosecution side stood Roger C. Clute, QC, an experienced trial lawyer from Toronto, who had won a guilty verdict in an 1883 capital case in Picton, leading to the hanging of the two local men charged with the crime. Edward Clarke was a Black man and, as a citizen of the United States, a foreigner. He had no funds to hire a lawyer, so the local county clerk, E. M. Young, volunteered to take on his case pro bono. Shorty was tried before a white judge and a 12-man all-white jury. Things looked grim.

But gradually Young, David against Clute’s Goliath, chipped away at the prosecutor’s case on the grounds of mistaken identity. His aim was to insinuate a measure of doubt into the jury’s mind.

The judge was totally convinced of Shorty’s guilt, and made his view clear in his charge to the jury. The jury deliberated for 2 hours. On their return to court, the foreman read out the verdict: not guilty. The crowds cramming the courtroom erupted into cheers.

The prosecuting authorities were incensed. The man was guilty! Why was he going to escape the gallows? For their part, the townsfolk were elated to see that this lowly Black American circus worker had been given a fair trial.

But, as in so many of these cases, things were not that simple. Some of the reasons for Clarke’s acquittal did not necessarily have anything to do with the law. In a thoughtful article entitled “Spectacular Justice: The Circus on Trial, and the Trial as Circus, Picton, 1903,” Carolyn Strange and Tina Loo give a detailed analysis of these reasons.

The townsfolk of Picton were in principle opposed to the death penalty. This was partly because they had been traumatized by the previous capital case that had led to the hanging in 1883 of Joseph Tompsett, 35, and George Lowder, 23. It was believed that the investigation had been flawed and the evidence contaminated; the jury’s plea for mercy was disregarded; and the actual hanging was horribly bungled. Also, locals strongly suspected that one of the men executed, George Lowder, may have been innocent. Roger C. Clute had been the prosecutor, and as a result his name was tainted. So the jury in the Clarke case strongly resisted Clute’s efforts to put another man to death.

Further, as the community saw it, the circus murder had been of one Black alien by another. These were not local people, and their fate did not engage or affect the community. The townsfolk saw it as pure coincidence that the murder had taken place in Picton. And they were simply not prepared to take responsibility for it.

Also, in the early 1900s Picton was just taking off as a tourist attraction, and the powers-that-be were very concerned about the town’s reputation. They had no desire for a hanging in the community to derail its economic development.

And so, Strange and Loo conclude, this poor Black man was acquitted, “not because he was innocent, but because a lowly county clerk had worked on the sympathies of a jury that was dead set against capital punishment.”

This was yet another unexpected twist in the tale of capital punishment in Canada, which Strange has referred to elsewhere as “the lottery of death.”

BLACK HISTORY AND CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: TWO CASE STUDIES (PART 2)

“FATHER FINDS SONS DEAD ON RAIL TRACKS.”

This sombre headline in the Halifax Mail on July 20, 1933, signalled the beginning of a case that dragged on for two years in Nova Scotia, with repercussions still being felt today.

On July 19, Bramwell and Edward Heffernan, aged twelve and ten, set out to pick berries along the railway tracks near their home on the outskirts of Halifax.

When returning home that evening from a similar expedition, their father discovered Bramwell’s bloodied body lying face down on the tracks. His brother Edward lay lifeless a short distance away.  What had happened?

Newspapers and the general public weighed in, with opinions seesawing between a tragic accident involving a passing train and the act of a deranged killer. Other than establishing that both boys had suffered deep wounds to the chest, the inquest and postmortem findings were inconclusive; although a couple who had also been berry hunting that day subsequently reported seeing a “coloured” man in the vicinity.

As weeks turned to months, the investigation seemed to have puttered to a standstill. Then came the breakthrough. Almost five months after the incident, police arrested Daniel Perry Sampson, a forty-nine-year-old Black Nova Scotian World War I veteran. He allegedly told officers that he lost his temper and stabbed the boys after they had pelted him with both rocks and racial taunts. He led the officers to a spot where they found a knife he claimed to have hidden after the murders. Then, as he could neither read nor write, he confirmed these statements by marking with an “X” a document handwritten by the police. In April 1934, Sampson was tried for the murder of Bramwell Heffernan.

Two trials, two appeals to the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia, and a final appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada later, Sampson was hanged for Bramwell’s murder at the County Gaol (then situated behind the Old Halifax Court House on Spring Garden Road, Halifax, but since demolished.) The night before he went to the gallows, he made a final statement, admitting his guilt and apologizing to the slain boys’ parents.

With its headline-grabbing details and its rocky passage through the courts, the case garnered huge notoriety. It has now been meticulously analyzed by lawyer and legal historian David Steeves in an essay entitled “Maniacal Murderer or Death Dealing Car: The Case of Daniel Perry Sampson, 1933–1935,” published in The African Canadian Legal Odyssey: Historical Essays.

Although the issue of race had not come up at the first trial, during the jury selection for Sampson’s second trial, his lawyer, Ormond Robert Regan, vigorously challenged potential jurors for preconceived presumptions of guilt and prejudice “in respect of colour.” But Steeves points to other factors that skewed the jury selection system in Nova Scotia, effectively stripping both poor people and Black people of their rights and equality before the law. Jurors were required to be males of between twenty-one and sixty-five years of age who resided in the province. But there were three additional requirements for jury duty at the time. First, the jury pool was limited to those living “in the most affluent and predominantly white areas of the downtown core and residential South End, with no overlap into areas with significant numbers of African Nova Scotian population.” Second, the real or personal property requirements for potential jurors were high, although the exact amounts varied across the province. The third category relaxed the property requirement to include less-affluent men who were partners in a firm with assets that, if divided equally, would be substantial enough to qualify each member of the firm regardless of his individual worth. The down side of this, of course, is that the poorer types might well have been inclined to defer to the opinions of their more-affluent employers or partners. As Steeves pithily puts it: “By effectively excluding all African Nova Scotians and members of the working class from jury service within Halifax County based on discriminatory geographic and economic criteria, legislators ensured that the only time these individuals were seen in court would be as alleged outlaws from inside the prisoner’s box.”

Throughout the long drawn-out process, Sampson’s lawyer, Ormond Regan, maintained that his client was not guilty by reason of insanity. (Sampson was described during the case as being “of low mentality,” although his family roundly denies it today. “He was shell-shocked from the war,” CTV Atlantic quotes his granddaughter as saying.)

During the second trial, Regan complained bitterly that the attorney general had been negligent in not granting “the accused a more thorough mental examination.” Also, in a dissenting opinion at his second appeal, one of the judges suggested that in light of both his mental deficiencies and his race, Sampson “was perhaps peculiarly susceptible … to the insults offered him and perhaps might not unreasonably be presumed to have lost control of himself so as to justify a finding of manslaughter.” Steeves notes, however, that this point of view did not reflect the law as it stood at that time. It would take another fifty years before age, gender and race might factor into considerations of provocation in Canadian courts.

More than eighty years after the fact, this story has taken an unexpected turn. A CTV Atlantic report in November 2017, entitled “Halifax’s final execution: Questions linger about the last man to hang,” again brought the case, and Sampson’s personal life, to the attention of the public. The report caught the interest of retired Rear Admiral Barry Keeler, national president of the Last Post Fund, who undertook to have a gravestone marker installed to honour Sampson as a veteran of World War I. Without wishing to minimize the sadness of the case, Keeler told CTV: “We don’t have any difficulty with that because what happened post his military career really is none of our business.”Beneath a cross, the headstone gives Sampson’s name, regiment, birth and death dates, and ends with the words: “Lest we forget.”

This tragic story continues to haunt us: two dead boys; a flawed jury selection system; a community steeped in racial and socio-economic inequalities; and finally, a mentally damaged war veteran who might have been treated more kindly in a later age by the criminal justice system.  Let us hope that it will, indeed, never be forgotten.

More information can be found at:   The African Canadian Legal Odyssey: Historical Essays

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